Remembering the Struggle for Sunagawa in the Summer of '57

Many people are aware that in April 2008 an international conflict specialist discovered previously classified documents in the US National Archives. That person was Shouji Shinbara.

Shinbara discovered that MacArthur, then ambassador to Japan, secretly met with Foreign Minister Aichiro Fujiyama and Supreme Court Chief Justice Kotaro Tanaka to get them to overturn the decision reached in March 1959 by Judge Date that acquitted the seven protesters (arrested for trespassing on the US military base in Tachikawa; they were protesting the base's expansion). This is an extremely important discovery.

Shinbara-san delivered a lecture in December 2008 on the Date Decision and the Sunagawa Struggle in Tachikawa city. His speech was published in the July 2009 issue of Zenei magazine. He sent me a very polite letter and a copy of the magazine. In the letter he wrote that "I may have included many misinterpretations because I know little about the Sunagawa Struggle," but based on my reading, his description is accurate. He speaks the truth.

The Date Decision said that the presence of US military troops in Japan is unconstitutional. I believe that is a correct reading. But the US ambassador secretly worked to overturn this ruling. This was a turning point in Japan's postwar history. We need to revive the spirit of the Date Decision: The presence of US troops in Japan is unconstitutional.

Shinbara's lecture — "A Half Century after the Sunagawa Struggle: The Inside Story Revealed by the Secret American Documents" — turns a new page in the research of postwar Japan.

As a participant in the Sunagawa Struggle, I recognize that it (especially the Date Decision and the way the Supreme Court and the Japanese government worked together) was a turning point in Japan's postwar history, but there wasn't documentation to prove my point. Shinbara-san's discovery of the secret US documents provided that proof. His contribution has been immense. I feel deep respect for him.

The Sunagawa Struggle had three peaks to it: the autumns of 1955 and 56, and the summer of 1957. On the third phase of the struggle, protesters entered the US military base. Seven people participating in the demonstration were prosecuted under a special law based on the first US-Japan security pact. The first ruling in the case, from a Tokyo district court, was the Date Decision. Shinbara describes it:

"The presiding judge in the Date Decision looked at the presence of US military in Japan as a case of the Japanese government requesting those troops. The presence of a military command was beside the point. The judge said he could not help but say that this violated Article 9 of the Constitution, which prohibits Japan from having a military force ... therefore the US military presence is unconstitutional."

Exactly. Ambassador MacArthur worked to overturn this ruling by meeting secretly with Foreign Minister Fujiyama and then Supreme Court Chief Justice Tanaka (proof of which Shinbara discovered during his research). Before a revised version of the US-Japan Security Treaty was signed, the Supreme Court overturned the Date Decision and buried it.

Based on this, both the US and Japan governments prepared to force through the legal ratification and signing of the revised US-Japan Security Treaty. When the two governments had erased the Date Decision, Japan had been cast permanently as a subordinate of the United States.

Why I'm So Tough on the DPJ

I recently had a phone call from T-san, a friend from my student days. He's a moderate on defense who has always supported the Liberal Democratic Party. However, these days he's anti-LDP.

"I don't even want to see Prime Minister Taro Aso's face anymore," T-san told me. "The LDP-New Komeito coalition government has been ugly. You've been pretty tough on the Democratic Party of Japan recently, but even if the DPJ has its faults, it would still be better than the Aso Cabinet. I'm not one to talk about voting with my family, but this time I did discuss it with family members who are eligible to vote. I don't know how they will all vote, but I don't think there is anyone who supports both the LDP and the New Komeito Party. If we don't change this LDP-New Komeito administration, Japan won't progress. I don't know if Hatoyama will be good, but he'll be better than Aso. I've had it with this ruling coalition. We need change."

I've talked with three friends in recent days who've all said the same thing: "I've had it with the Aso government."

When Ichiro Ozawa ruled the DPJ, a lot of people would say that they couldn't bring themselves to support either party and saw no other route but abstention. I would tell these people, "How about the People's New Party and the Social Democratic Party? Support one of those."

As long as the LDP puts its fate in the hands of an Aso-led government, the party doesn't have a prayer. The possibility of a Hatoyama-led government is very likely. It's not that I don't understand the disgust my friends feel for the Aso administration; it's just that if a Hatoyama administration is likely, we ought to say what we really think about it. The responsibilities of a ruling party are heavy. I want the DPJ to grow into a good party. I don't want to see the new ruling party governing poorly. That's why I'll continue criticizing the DPJ.

When we talk about a Hatoyama administration, the reality is it will be a Hatoyama-Ozawa administration. The man holding the strings in that administration will be Ozawa. He will be taking power for his own purposes, and he hasn't bothered to inform the public of just what a DPJ government will do. Electing a Hatoyama-Ozawa government means giving Ozawa carte blanche to run the government. That, more than anything else, is what the DPJ needs to watch.
I think the DPJ can bring in about 67% of the vote. Even if Aso resigns and another prime minister is selected before the election, the DPJ would still have the upper hand, I think.

An election is not just about the past; it's about the future. At this point, voting for the future seems the most important thing to do. That's why I believe we need to push the DPJ as much as we can.

The DPJ Shouldn't Cooperate in Northern Territories Debate

I don't know what upper house member Naoki Minezaki's intentions were when he jumped into the "3.5 island" debate about the Northern Territories, but it's not easy to agree with the Democratic Party of Japan's choice to force itself into the debate.

To preserve our peace treaty with Russia, we need to solve the Northern Territories issue. In 1956 when then Prime Minister Ichiro Hatoyama visited the Soviet Union, both countries (the Japanese government and the Soviet government) agreed on the idea that two islands should be returned. After that, the US exerted its influence to prop up a faction in favor of demanding the return of all four islands, a stance that eventually gained a majority and continues to reign today. Japan has stuck to that stance without budging an inch since then. There's no way to bring about a permanent peace between the two countries with the current status quo. The governments of both countries should find a compromise to further peace treaty negotiations. The Japanese government should take a flexible stance. The 3.5 island theory may have come about in an attempt to offer that flexibility.

However, the mass media and certain politicians are taking a very hard line on this issue. I would like to see at least the DPJ keep a flexible and open attitude.

Political change is near. A DPJ administration is right in front of us. An inflexible approach brings about 100 harms without one single benefit. If there is a new Hatoyama administration, the extension of a peace treaty with Russia becomes an important diplomatic issue. We'll need his initiative to bring about that extended peace. We don't need any foolishness that hems him in and limits our options.

The single-seat constituency lie

Takehiko Kambayashi has an excellent piece in The Diplomat explaining why the single-seat constituency system introduced in Japan in 1994 has not led to more vigorous policy debates, but instead has let party leaders solidify power and keep big issues off the table.

Kambayashi provided vital reporting for Mr. Morita's book, Curing Japan's America Addiction.

Obstacles for the DPJ in the Wake of Ozawa's Resignation

(Editor's note: This column was written before the DPJ held its party election on May 16 and chose Yukio Hatoyama as its leader.)

Electing a Leader Democratically
Ichiro Ozawa stepped down as leader of the Democratic Party of Japan on May 11. On the 16th, the party will hold an election for a new leader. This new leader could end up being Japan's next prime minister if the party can win the next election; he would be expected to govern the country. The party needs to reach a consensus on a new leader. The party needs to follow its rules and hold a proper representative election. It should travel the straight and narrow path. While some tried to spread rumors that Prime Minister Aso would dissolve the lower house just as the DPJ was set to hold its election, there is no need to heed those innuendos. The people would not permit such a makeshift approach to retaining political power. The party should find its leader through a representative election while trusting the voters.

A Party on the Run from Democracy
While Ozawa was at the helm of the DPJ, it was as if he were Gulliver surrounded by a bunch of Lilliputians. Everything was left to Ozawa; the other members just followed. It's even said that Ozawa did all the fund-raising. It was a party run by a despot. This was an abnormal situation, but many party members didn't see anything wrong with it.

When one of Ozawa's public secretaries was arrested on March 3 on suspicion of violating laws controlling the use of political funds, party members hesitated to say anything negative about their leader. Frankly, it was because they were scared of him. And this is why confidence in the DPJ began to plummet. People who previously supported the party were disappointed. An election of a new leader needs to also purge the party of these anti-democratic traits and begin building a democratic party free from its previous leader.

Show Us What a DPJ Government Would Do
During Ozawa's reign, there was next to no debate about what sort of policies the party should have. The party ran behind Ozawa to bring about political change without ever explaining what sort of change it would represent. Ozawa strove for political change without a purpose.

The new leader must fix this. He should show the people his party's commitment to governing by explaining where it stands. At the very least, it needs to respond to the following points: First, it needs to distance itself from the already failed neoliberal model; second, it needs to push policies that promote peace; and third, it needs to insulate itself from the money politics of the past.

When the DPJ rids itself of the old Ozawa politics, its path to power will be clear and wide.

Morita: Ozawa has Become DPJ's Putin

Bloomberg reports on the choice of Yukio Hatoyama to lead the Democratic Party of Japan in the coming election and quotes Morita as saying former leader Ozawa is the party's Vladimir Putin.

Big Newspapers Take Absurd Stances against Recession Policies

The employment situation has deteriorated rapidly. The seasonally adjusted unemployment rate went up 0.4% from the previous month in March to 4.8%, according to a survey released on May 1 by the Ministry of Public Management, Home Affairs, Posts and Telecommunications. The ministry was quoted in the May 1 edition of the Asahi Shimbun as saying, "The speed at which the situation is worsening is like nothing we have seen in the past."

The same ministry released a consumer price index on May 1 that looks at the price of goods, excluding fresh foods. With 2005 serving as the base of 100, prices were down from the previous year 0.1% in March to 100.7. Falling prices are a crucial indicator of a worsening economy.

Friends and associates have related to me how more companies large and small are resorting to layoffs of full-time staff. Corporate bankruptcies are rising rapidly. Many stores are going out of business. The number of people out of work has jumped. The collapse of the economy is a serious issue, and the unemployment problem is especially serious.

The Aso cabinet called its supplementary budget a recessionary measure, but from my point of view, it isn't. It is too small. They put together a supplementary budget of 15 trillion yen only to achieve a 3.3% economic contraction. To get back to zero growth, we'd need an additional 16.5 trillion yen. The Aso cabinet's economic plan is just too small.

Yet the major newspapers are criticizing the plan for its wastefulness. They're making a lot of noise about how the budget is too big. They've twisted reality inside out. It's as if they are out to crush the proposed economic policies. Newspapers, stop getting in the way of our economic recovery! That's my advice.